The family diversity inequality and social change free download

These include the increase in divorce rates since the passing of the Family Law Act , changing gender roles, and the growth in single parent families and childless households.

Learners will also investigate the following topics which may be integrated into the topics above:. B — Education The study of education as an institution concentrates on the role of education in CAS and how education has changed over time.

The impact of power and politics is central in the development of educational policy from an historical, social and economic perspective. Learners investigate the meaning, nature and purpose of education and the impact of government policy on educational inequality.

The issue of funding and its impact on the public and private education sectors give learners an insight into the relationship between education and the institutions of family and work. As they investigate issues arising from access to education by different groups, they relate this to the functionalist, feminist, conflict and interactionist views of education.

C — Work In this area of study learners investigate changes over time in work as an institution. They identify the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors and thereby analyse the shift from an industrial society to a knowledge society and what that means for the institution of work.

Learners examine the underlying structural changes in the workforce. The causes of these changes can be attributed to such factors as industrialisation, automation, technology, and globalisation. Learners also examine theoretical perspectives that underpin work as an institution — functionalist, feminist, conflict and interactionist views of work. D — Media In this area of study learners examine the role of the media in CAS and the shift from the first media age to the second media age Holmes, Hughes and Julian Implicit in the investigation is the power of the media in CAS and the concentration of ownership and how this influences public opinion.

Learners focus on issues such as agenda setting, gate keeping, norm setting, stereotyping, scapegoating and the impact of social media on traditional media and lifestyles. Learners analyse and evaluate the power of the media with reference to the functionalist, conflict, feminist and interactionist perspectives. They explore the impact of the communication technologies and the emergence of the second media age and how the second media age presents choices for consumers.

Learners study how social differentiation and structured inequality is reproduced through socialisation and the functioning of institutions. They also investigate the causes and consequences of inequality; political, social and economic.

The module also explores the ways that social categories are constructed and how categorisation manifests itself in stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination. Learners explore how and why, for example, the experience of being young differs across time and space and how these inequalities can become institutionalised.

They investigate how this occurs through the institutions of family, school, work and media. Learners examine the tension between a perceived need to define categories for the purposes of government policy responses to such issues, and the potential negative impacts of homogenous categorisation, such as stereotyping in CAS, a society that is characterised by rich diversity. This module explores five main social categories, of which learners must study two 2 :.

Gender B. Ethnicity C. Indigenous People D. Age E. A — Gender Learners investigate how gender is socially constructed and how gender stereotypes are reproduced over time.

They explore the ways in which gender is perceived and how inequalities manifest themselves and how these are connected to the beliefs, values and attitudes of the dominant culture in CAS. Learners investigate how these inequalities are reinforced through the institutions of family, education, work and the media. The issues include inequalities faced by men and women in the workforce and the impact of the media on the way males and females are represented in sport.

B — Ethnicity Ethnicity plays an important part in social life. Individuals often define themselves, or others, as members of an ethnic category or group based on common heritage, language or religion that gives them a unique cultural identity. Most sociologists find the concept of ethnicity to be more useful than that of race.

Learners develop an understanding of a variety of challenges that need to be considered when investigating experiences of ethnic inequality. Culture and ethnicity refer to groups connected by shared customs, culture or heritage. They learn how these classifications can generate inequality and differential opportunity, and shape cultural differences. These differences are reinforced and perpetuated within the institutions family, education, work and media.

For example, the way that a group sees itself might not correspond to the way in which outsiders see that group. Sometimes observers place people into broad ethnic categories, which do not correspond with the views of individual group members.

In addition, ethnicity is not fixed and unchanging. Rather, ethnic identities constantly evolve and are shaped through a variety of political and social forces. C — Indigenous People This area of study involves a critical exploration of European contact, including violence and repression, within the cultures of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples.

Many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in Australia suffer from cumulative disadvantage and institutional inequality. Learners examine the causes of this inequality. They include such issues as lower school retention rates, higher unemployment rates, poorer health and lower life expectancy and higher levels of imprisonment per head of population. D — Age Although age being young, middle-aged or old is an inevitable, biologically-determined aspect of social differentiation and inequality, it is also socially interpreted, constructed and defined, and has important social consequences.

Ageism refers to the attitudes and beliefs that suggest that one age group is inferior to another and that unequal treatment can therefore be justified. These attitudes are further perpetuated by the institutions of family, work and education. In Australia we still view the old as frail individuals, with declining mental abilities.

However, with improved medical services, and an ageing population that is becoming more outspoken and assertive, this view is slowly changing. Learners investigate the inequalities faced by the elderly. These can be work related and can be influenced by gender. For example women generally do not have the same average amount of superannuation as men which, in turn, can lead to disadvantage and poverty in later life.

It is not just the elderly who suffer unequal access to social, political and economic resources. The young are presently experiencing extremely high rates of unemployment and some policy-makers expect that many young people will never experience full time employment or a conventional career in a single occupation.

The experience of being young has varied across time as well as across space. Access to scarce resources for a young person living in a small rural community for example differs significantly from that of a young person living in a large city.

Despite differences in geographical location youth and adolescence are commonly thought of as homogenous groups for the purposes of advertising and government policy. These signifiers of difference contribute to the way young people are perceived within such institutions as the mass media. The media tend to reinforce negative stereotypes and prejudices which, in turn, contributes to young people remaining marginalised and powerless.

Learners investigate the impact of social differentiations and inequality in rural and regional Australia across a range of dimensions. They explore, for example, the gap in educational opportunities between those who live in metropolitan areas compared to those who live in regional and rural centres. Geographical remoteness intersects with other social categories. The proportion of unemployed Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples corresponds to and increases with degrees of remoteness.

Gender also impacts on geographical location, with women in major urban areas more likely to have higher educational qualifications, and higher labour force participation rate compared to women in rural areas. Learners also study the impact of a range of infrastructure issues on those who live in rural and regional Australia.

These include access to information technology, lack of transport options and high cost of transport as well as limited access to public housing for those who live in rural and regional Australia.

This module draws on scientific methods of social inquiry to explore social relationships and the outcomes of social activities. Social science employs a systematic research process to questions and problems in an attempt to achieve objective observation, collection and analysis of data.

Sociologists work to develop a reliable and valid body of knowledge based on research. In so doing, they adhere to certain ethical codes of conduct. The primary goal of research ethics is to protect the wellbeing of the groups and individuals with whom sociologists work.

There are several different research methods that learners can use to gather information for analysis, such as case studies, surveys, interviews and non-participant observation.

Learners develop the capacity to form and make ethical judgements in two ways. They learn about key sociological theories and the way in which the rights, integrity and propriety of people, who are subject to research, are held in high regard.

They also explore and apply ethical guidelines when planning, conducting, processing and interpreting the outcomes of the research methodology. As part of this course learners will be involved in activities that include research using human subjects.

Teachers and schools have a legal and moral responsibility to ensure that learners follow ethical principles at all times when undertaking such inquiries. Further advice on sources of information about the principles for ethical study and research practice can be found in Appendix 2. A sample ethics consent form is available in the Supporting Documents below. Investigative Project Research methods form the basis of the Investigative Project.

The process involves conducting a literature review, identifying an appropriate research method and collecting data to inform their conclusions. Learners use this information to produce a research report. This experience gives them insight into the validity of their research, the reliability of their data and the whole process of sociological research, including ethical considerations.

It is important for learners to draw on quantitative and qualitative sources to complete the Investigative Project IP. The IP draws on primary research carried out by the learner. The primary research is undertaken after a thorough literature review of the inequality experienced by the social category being investigated. The investigation and the research undertaken give learners the opportunity to draw on information from the three theory modules of the course.

Criterion-based assessment is a form of outcomes assessment that identifies the extent of learner achievement at an appropriate end-point of study. Although assessment — as part of the learning program — is continuous, much of it is formative, and is done to help learners identify what they need to do to attain the maximum benefit from their study of the course.

Therefore, assessment for summative reporting to TASC will focus on what both teacher and learner understand to reflect end-point achievement. Center for American Progress. Wealth makes it easier for people to seamlessly transition between jobs, move to new neighborhoods, and respond in emergency situations. After all, families rely on their wealth to pay their bills if their regular income disappears during an unemployment spell or after retiring, for instance.

Sign Up. Unfortunately, wealth in this country is unequally distributed by race—and particularly between white and black 1 households. As this report documents, even after considering positive factors such as increased education levels, African Americans have less wealth than whites. Less wealth translates into fewer opportunities for upward mobility and is compounded by lower income levels and fewer chances to build wealth or pass accumulated wealth down to future generations.

Several key factors exacerbate this vicious cycle of wealth inequality. Black households, for example, have far less access to tax-advantaged forms of savings, due in part to a long history of employment discrimination and other discriminatory practices. A well-documented history of mortgage market discrimination means that blacks are significantly less likely to be homeowners than whites, 3 which means they have less access to the savings and tax benefits that come with owning a home.

Persistent labor market discrimination and segregation also force blacks into fewer and less advantageous employment opportunities than their white counterparts. Moreover, under the current tax code, families with higher incomes receive increased tax incentives associated with both housing and retirement savings.

The bottom line is that persistent housing and labor market discrimination and segregation worsen the damaging cycle of wealth inequality. Indeed, Hispanic families have only slightly more wealth than black families. The disparity between white and AAPI wealth is often overlooked because, collectively, their average and median wealth is comparable to whites.

There is, however, significant wealth inequality among AAPI households. Exactly how bad is the wealth gap between blacks and whites? According to Federal Reserve data highlighted throughout this report, there are several key drivers perpetuating the considerable wealth gap between white and black Americans:. The persistent racial wealth gap leaves African Americans in an economically precarious situation and creates a vicious cycle of economic struggle.

The lack of sufficient wealth means blacks are less economically mobile and therefore unable to grow their wealth over time. Policy levers such as improved access to higher education alone, while important, will not be enough to create equal opportunity in terms of wealth-building for all. Only broad and persistent policy attention to wealth creation can address this glaring inequity.

Throughout most of American history, however, this essential stepping stone was not, for all intents and purposes, available to African Americans. For blacks, the American experience began with slavery, which allowed whites to profit off of the bodies and blood of enslaved people, who by rule of law were unable to live freely, let alone build wealth to pass along to future generations. The disparities that exist between blacks and whites today can be traced back to public policies both implicit and explicit: From slavery to Jim Crow, from redlining to school segregation, and from mass incarceration to environmental racism, policies have consistently impeded or inhibited African Americans from having access to opportunities to realize the American dream.

Direct action must be taken to change an American system built on suppression, oppression, and the concentration of power and wealth. Decade after decade, black Americans have struggled to keep pace with their white counterparts and—despite momentous effort—continuously find themselves several steps behind. The data are clear: Even when African Americans pursue higher education, purchase a home, or secure a good job, they still lag behind their white counterparts in terms of wealth.

Moreover, the disparities between white and black Americans can nearly always be traced back to policies that either implicitly or explicitly discriminate against black Americans. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, for example, black mothers and children die at disproportionately higher rates than their white counterparts, regardless of their income levels.

For most African Americans, the American promise that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. Indeed, more than half a century later, it is clear that America has defaulted on its promises to citizens of color. What most people forget about that speech is that Dr.

Bold action is required. The theory of targeted universalism developed by John A. Powell at the Haas Institute at the University of California, Berkeley, focuses on executing targeted strategies to meet universal goals. The theory states that universal approaches alone will not bring change and will, in many cases, exacerbate the current divide. The Federal-Aid Highway Act of , for example, used federal dollars to build highways across the country and created the suburbs.

Department of Veterans Affairs VA helped millions of American veterans purchase homes and obtain an education. When considering policy recommendations to close the racial wealth gap, one thing must be acknowledged: Poor blacks and poor whites are not similarly situated because whites have been and continue to be treated more favorably than blacks by government institutions.

Going forward, policymakers should use a targeted universalism framework to design and advance policies that ensure equity. While income inequality certainly remains a pressing policy issue, wealth inequality is worse and deserving of closer attention.

Income and wealth are different and require unique considerations. Income, on the one hand, includes earnings from work, Social Security benefits, and pension benefits, as well as interest and dividends that households use to meet their current spending needs. In other words, wealth is the amount of money that people can spend in the future. Wealth is a critical tool for families to finance and achieve economic mobility. It allows individuals to change jobs, pursue an education, and start their own business.

It also helps people pay their bills during an economic emergency such as a layoff or unforeseen health emergency. Yet wealth is heavily and increasingly concentrated among the richest households.

Figure 1 shows the wealth and income shares of the top 20 percent of income earners among blacks and whites. Several important points are worth noting. This means that many households have little or no cash saved to use during an emergency. For example, in , the richest 20 percent of blacks owned Moreover, since , wealth has become increasingly concentrated for both blacks and whites.

In the s, the richest 20 percent of blacks owned The difference between wealth and income concentration is about the same for blacks and whites. The ratio of the share of wealth received by the richest 20 percent of blacks to the share of income they received is This compares to a proportion of Wealth is more concentrated than income, and its concentration has grown for both blacks and whites.

Even with this concentration, vulnerable subgroups of whites with little wealth still tend to fare much better than economically more secure subgroups of African Americans. That is, the concentration of wealth matters both within groups and across groups, as most blacks increasingly lose out in both directions. As a result, most blacks have few protections in the case of a financial emergency and have limited means for upward mobility. African Americans systematically have less wealth than whites.

Tables 1 and 2 summarize several wealth measures by race including median wealth, average wealth, and the share of households with no or negative wealth. The black-white wealth gap has persisted for decades. As shown in Table 1, the median wealth for black nonretirees over the age of 25 has never amounted to more than 19 percent of the median wealth of similarly situated whites since Additionally, the ratio of average black wealth to average white wealth never exceeded Roughly speaking, the best-case scenario for the past 30 years occurred when blacks had about one-sixth the median wealth of whites in But in the wake of the Great Recession, which lasted from through , America has seen its black-white wealth gap increase sharply and move even farther away from that best-case scenario.

A simple calculation puts the persistent and policy-driven black-white wealth gap into perspective. Consider that the racial wealth gap—measured as the ratio of median black wealth to median white wealth—slightly narrowed from to Moreover, it would take more than years for median black wealth to equal median white wealth.

Leaving wealth inequality to market forces would likely create a massive gulf in economic opportunity and security by race. That said, shrinking the black-white wealth gap in a meaningful way will undoubtedly require large, targeted policy interventions.

For a variety of reasons, African Americans are more vulnerable to economic insecurity and therefore are in greater need of wealth. This economic insecurity stems from the fact that blacks are more likely to be underpaid, less likely to have adequate savings, and less likely to have sufficient financial resources to respond to an emergency.

For example, the primary worry for most families is often how to continue paying household bills when an emergency occurs. Saving for an unforeseen event was the single most important issue among both blacks and whites in Nearly half of all blacks said that they were saving for such events compared to Data on household financial distress highlights why families, especially black households, rank saving for short-term liquidity so high. More than five years after the Great Recession ended, in , one-fifth of blacks reported an income shock—meaning their income was less than usual—compared with As a result, blacks were more likely to need to borrow, to postpone payments, and to cut back on spending in an emergency than whites.

That is, blacks are more in need of short-term savings because of their day-to-day financial struggles. And as the data in the following sections show, blacks have significantly less wealth than whites.

The combination of greater income volatility, fewer emergency savings, and less wealth for blacks than whites creates a highly insecure economic situation for many families. The black-white wealth gap is a result of the institutionalized obstacles blacks face in building wealth. Take assets, for instance: The U. Retirement savings accounts such as k plans and individual retirement accounts IRAs , as well as mortgage borrowing to finance a primary residence, receive preferential treatment under the tax code.

Yet blacks are less likely to work in jobs that carry benefits such as retirement savings due to historical occupational segregation. Racial differences also exist with respect to debt. Typically, blacks have more costly—or high-interest—debt, such as auto loans, student debt, and credit card debt, than whites.

The black-white wealth gap reflects differences both in assets and in debt. And while higher education and increased income offer some benefits, they are insufficient to close the wealth gap. Table 3 summarizes median wealth by race and several key demographics such as education, marital status, and income in The data reveal that blacks who have higher education levels, are married households, and obtain higher incomes still acquire significantly less wealth than whites who lack those qualifications.

The wealth gap also does not noticeably shrink with age. Likewise, higher income does not close the wealth gap. Blacks in the top one-fifth of the income distribution still have less than one-third the wealth of whites in the same income distribution level.

Factors that are generally associated with rising wealth—education, marriage, education, and income—are unevenly distributed by race. Even when controlling for these factors, a massive wealth gap exists for all subgroups. Figure 3 demonstrates that blacks face systematic obstacles in shrinking the racial wealth gap in a slightly different way.

The data show the median inflation-adjusted wealth of households as they aged by looking at households in —when they were between 23 and 38 years old—and comparing them with how they fared in in —when they were between 50 and 65 years old.

Both racial groups in this age cohort coincidentally should have benefited from greater homeownership, lower interest rates, and a rising stock market. At a minimum, the gap should not have widened as people aged. That is, however, exactly what happened. Blacks in this age group had 24 percent of white wealth in the same age group in —the largest share over the past three decades.

By , this share dropped to only Find the Right Program. Life at HGSE. Refer a Candidate. Frequently Asked Questions. Financial Aid. Applying for Aid. Incoming Students. Incoming International Students. Continuing Students. Need-Based Grant Awards. HGSE Fellowships. Additional Fellowships. External Fellowships. Student Loans. Student Work. International Students. International Applicant FAQ. Funding Sources.

Students with Families. Financial Aid Appeals. Budget Calculator. Harvard Edcast. Askwith Forums. Askwith Calendar.

Upcoming Events. Submit an Event. Usable Knowledge. Harvard Education Publishing Group. Information for Media. Education Now. Harvard EdCast. HGSE Centennial. Community Learning. Beyond the Classroom. Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Belonging. Organizations and Initiatives. Community Events and Action. Teaching and Learning. Gutman Library. Alumni Services. Renew Books. Change of Address Form. Special Collections. Request for Library Purchase. Library Hours. Websites for Educators. About the Library.

Contact Information. Coronavirus Response Information. Update your Information. Stay Connected. Alumni Relations Office.